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A private prison, or a nonprofit prison, is a place where individuals are physically locked up or imprisoned by a third party contracted by a government agency. Private prison companies typically enter into contractual agreements with government prisoners and then pay per diem or monthly rates, either for each prisoner at the facility, or for any available venue, whether occupied or not. Such contracts may be solely for facility operations, or for design, construction and operation.

Personal jail is controversial. The main argument for prison contracts to private operators is to save money. The main argument against contract prisons is the concern that rights and treatment of inmates will be compromised, among others.


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Development

In the modern era, Britain was the first European country to use a nonprofit prison. Wolds Prison opened as the first privately-run prison in Britain in 1992. This was made possible by the passage of the 1991 Criminal Justice Act that empowered the Home Secretary to contract prison services to the private sector.

In addition, a number of Immigration Control Centers in Britain are privately operated, including the Harmondsworth Immigration Control Center, Yarl Immigration Abolition Center, and Colnbrook Immigration Immigration Center.

In 2007, Scottish new Scottish National Party Government announced that they were against private prison and would not allow any more contracts. Since then, new prisons in Scotland have been built and run by the public sector. The latest contracts made in England and Wales are for HM Prison Northumberland, transferred from the public sector to Sodexo in 2013. The latest prisons to be built in England and Wales, HM Prison Berwyn near Wrexham, are awarded to the public sector to operate without any competition when it opened in 2017. On June 26, 2018, the prison minister, Rory Stewart, told the Justice Committee that a publicly-opened prison would be built in Wellingborough, Northants, and a privately run private prison at Glen Parva, Leicestershire, from the program to build 10,000 places in 6 new prisons.

In the 2017 General Election, the Labor Party said there would be no new private prisons under the Labor Government, but it was not committed to terminate existing contracts.

Contract settings

In the UK there are two ways in which private companies can take prison management:

  1. Companies compete to finance, design, build, and run new prisons under private financial initiatives. Most of the prisons in Britain are of this type, although the use of PFI now seems to have been abandoned.
  2. Prisons previously operated by public sector prison services may be contracted after the competition ("market testing").

Prisons can compete again at the end of the contract. Increasingly, services in all prisons, whether public or privately managed, are contracted on a regional basis: these include FM jobs and services, and rehabilitation programs.

Governance and accountability

Personally managed prisons are run under contracts that set standards to be met, which in many cases reflect the Service Level Agreement applicable to publicly administered prisons. Payments can be deducted for poor performance against contract. Government monitors ("controllers") work permanently in each privately run prison to check conditions and treatment of detainees. The framework for regulation and accountability is the same for privately run prisons as those run by the public. In England and Wales they have to undergo a surprise check by the Chief Inspector of HM, to be monitored by the local Independent Monitoring Board and the complaint of prisoners is handled by the Prison and Ombudsman Examinations. Similar arrangements exist in Scotland and Northern Ireland.

Controversy

In early 2012, Frances Crook, chief executive of the Howard League for Criminal Reforms said Heremy Prison Inspectorate rose nearly ninefold in restraint used the previous year at the Ashfield Young Offenders Institution, which holds 15 to 18 years ago. He quoted "many strip incidents looking for unnecessary children". Force has been used nearly 150 times a month compared to 17 times a month in the previous year, considering it has a "chill" of circumstances in the choking death of a 15-year-old boy at the Rainsbrook Safe Training Center after restrictions are applied. Use of forces often followed by environmental failures to comply with staff instructions. Three years earlier, the agency recorded more than 600 attacks on prisoners within a year - the highest number of prisons, including adults, in the country. Crook claims "This prison has a history of failed children and society." The manager claimed the increase was due to better reporting of the use of restrictions. The agency has been half-full during a surprise preliminary hearing in 2010. The chief inspector noted that "some staff lack confidence in challenging bad behavior." The prison director and YOI admit there is "room for improvement."

Six staff members were dismissed from the G4S Safe Rainsbrook Training Center operated by G4S for children in Rugby in May 2015 after a series of gross violation incidents. The G4S took action in response to an Ofsted examination that reported some staff were using drugs while on duty, colluding with prisoners and behaving "highly inappropriate". The alleged behavior includes causing distress and humiliation to children by subjecting them to degrading treatment and racist comments.

Four G4S team leaders from Medway Secure Training Center in Rochester were arrested in January 2016 and four other staff members were placed on limited duty, following an investigation by the BBC's Panorama TV program to the center. Allegations in television programs include gross language and unnecessary use of force - physical violence like that, the use of excessive restraint techniques (causing a teenager to have trouble breathing) - in 10 boys ages 14 to 17, and cover up members who involved. staff by avoiding surveillance cameras from being recorded, and deliberately reporting errors to avoid potential fines and penalties; for example, in one exchange, he stated that some staff did not report "two or more training participants" because it indicated that they "lost control of the center", which resulted in a potential fine.

The G4S-administered Medway manager received a performance-related pay award in April 2016, though the week-warden's inspector said weeks earlier that "managerial oversight failed to protect young people from harm in prison." In January, Panorama showed an undercover reporter working as a guard at the Medway safe training center (STC) in Kent. The film shows children allegedly mistreated and claimed that staff falsified the record of violent incidents. No senior manager is disciplined or dismissed. Prior to the Panorama program broadcast, the Youth Justice Council (YJB), which oversees British youth prisoners, stopped putting children on Medway. In February, the Guardian investigation revealed that, in 2003, the rapporteurs had warned the G4S, the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) and YJB that staff were treating poorly detained children. Their letter, continued by Prof John Pitts, a youth justice expert, was ignored. When the prison inspectorate did a quick check on Medway, they found that the reported detainees had used offensive, aggressive or racist language against them and felt unsafe in parts of the facility not covered by closed-circuit TV. The reviewers agreed with the validity of the evidence presented by Panorama which shows, "... targeted oppression of vulnerable children," by employees, and that, "A large group of staff must be aware of unacceptable practices but not against or report this behavior. "

In previous Medst onsted reports on Medway, inspectors said mid-level staff and managers reported feeling lack of leadership and had "low, or no trust in senior managers." Nick Hardwick, at the time when the prison chief inspector said, "Managerial oversight fails to protect young people from harm.Effective control is the key to creating a positive culture that prevents bad practices from happening and ensures that they are reported when they occur." The Guardian newspaper learned that senior managers at Medway received a performance-related pay award in April amounting to between 10-25% of their annual salary, according to seniority. A 15-year-old girl who was stationed at Medway in 2009 said she was often illegally detained for 18 months, arguing that her face was repeatedly thrown to the cold ground. "I assume the senior management team will be fired... But now it seems they have been rewarded for allowing children to be abused in prison," he said. Former Labor MP Sally Keeble has complained about the persecution of G4S at STC for over ten years, stating: "This is the person who makes personal gain from the tragedy.I hope that Justice Minister Liz Truss will intervene and ensure this bonus is not paid by the Contractor Ministry of Justice. "Despite the investigation, no senior managers in Medway are disciplined or laid off. In May, the MoJ said the National Offenders Service (NOMS) will take over Medway. In July, officially took control of the STC. In February 2016, G4S announced that it would sell its children's service business, including a contract to manage two safe training centers. The company hopes to complete the process by the end of 2016.

After the release of a very critical account of G4S-operated prisons, the Labor shadow secretary's secretary said they would be inclined to take control of the nonprofit prisons if industry competitors did not meet the deadlines imposed on them. Sadiq Khan's response emphasized the need for better contracts, including the terms of the liquidated compensation. Chief Inspector Nick Hardwick, recommends making takeover takeover plans. "It does not deliver what the public expects from the millions paid to the G4S to run it." Khan said, "I do not see any difference whether the performance is bad in the public, private, or voluntary sectors... We should not tolerate mediocrity in running our prisons." Khan continued: "We can not continue the scandal after the scandal, where the public money is wasted and the quality of what is delivered is not scratched.Government is too dependent on a large group of comfortable corporations.The public is really fed up with the back teeth of companies- big companies that generate huge profits from taxpayers, who hit them out of rewards for failure. "

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Australia


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French

The process of privatization of prisons in France is a presentation of major events from 1987 to the present day by a French scholar. France has chosen a semi-private system. It consists of delegating so-called non-sovereign missions (kitchen, laundry, maintenance) to the company and leaving the guard and security to the State. Organizing inmates' work in prison workshops is one of the tasks that have been delegated to prison management companies. The prison is a forced confinement room where the main concern is security. The fact is that on some levels, and depending on the type of prison (high security or not), the production logic clashes with the security logic. The structural limitations of production in prisons may limit the ability to take advantage of private enterprises. Based on field studies conducted in 2004 and 2005 in five prisons selected by prison and management type, Guilbaud pointed out that the intensity of tension between production and security, and the various ways these tensions arose and dealt with, varied by type of prison (brief stays, prisoners awaiting punishment, or relative length of stay for convicted prisoners) and type of management. Production/security tensions seem to be more integrated in public sector prisons than those managed by the private sector in the sense that it produces fewer conflicts in them. This result is contrary to the widespread understanding that shaped the reforms of 1987, the idea that introducing private companies and the professionalism associated with them into prisons would enhance the work of prisoners and prison operations.

Locked Up and Shipped Away: Interstate Prisoner Transfers & the ...
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United States

Initial history

The prison privatization can be traced to the contract of confinement and treatment of prisoners after the American Revolution. Deprived of the ability to send criminals and unwanted people to the Colonies, the British began to put them on a convoy (used as a prison ship) moored in the English harbor.

In 1852, in San Francisco Bay in northwestern California, inmates from the Waban prison ship began building a contract facility to place themselves at Point Quentin. This prison is known as San Quentin, which still operates to this day. Partial transfers from the prison administration from the private to the public do not mark the end of privatization.

The next phase begins with the Reconstruction Period (1865-1876) in the south, after the end of the Civil War. Plantations and entrepreneurs need to find a replacement for labor once their slaves are freed. Beginning in 1868, lease contracts of prisoners were issued to private parties to supplement their workforce. This system remained in place until the early 20th century.

Development

The federal and state governments have a long history of contracting out specialized services to private companies, including medical services, food preparation, vocational training, and transport of inmates. However, the 1980s ushered in a new era of privatization of prisons. With prison populations growing in the wake of the War on Drugs and the increasing use of prisons, prison buildup and rising costs are increasingly a problem for local, state, and federal governments. In response to this widespread criminal justice system, private business interests see opportunities for expansion, and as a result, private sector involvement in prisons moves from simple service contracts to contracts for the management and overall operation of all prisons.

The modern personal prisons business first appeared and stood openly in 1984 when the Corporation Correction of America (CCA), now known as CoreCivic, was awarded a contract to take over the facility in Shelby County, Tennessee. This marks the first time any government in the country has contracted a full operation from prison to private operators. The following year, CCA received more public attention when it offered to take over the entire Tennessee state prison system for $ 200 million. The offer was eventually defeated because of strong opposition from public employees and state legislative skepticism. Despite the initial defeat, the CCA has since been expanded, as do other nonprofit prison companies.

Statistics from the US Department of Justice show that, by 2013, there are 133,000 state and federal arrestees placed in privately owned prisons in the US, accounting for 8.4% of the US prison population. Destructive to this type of prison, 19.1% of the federal prison population in the United States is placed in private prisons and 6.8% of the prison population of US states is placed in private prisons. Although 2013 shows a slight decline in private prison populations during 2012, the overall trend over the last decade has been a slow increase. The companies that operate the facility include Correction Corporation of America (CCA), GEO Group, Inc. (formerly known as Wackenhut Securities), Management and Training Corporation (MTC), and the Center for Community Education. In the last two decades CCA has seen an increase in earnings of more than 500 percent. The entire prison industry took over $ 5 billion in revenues in 2011.

According to journalist Matt Taibbi, Wall Street banks are watching this cash inflow, and are now one of the largest investors in the prison industry. Wells Fargo has about $ 100 million invested in GEO Group and $ 6 million in CCA. Other large investors include Bank of America, Fidelity Investment, General Electric and The Vanguard Group. CCA's share price changed from one dollar in 2000 to $ 34.34 in 2013. Sociologist John L. Campbell and activist and journalist Chris Hedges each affirm that prisons in the United States have become "profitable" and "profitable".

In June 2013, students at Columbia University found that the agency had a $ 8 million CCA share. Less than a year later, students formed a group called Columbia Prison Divest, and sent a letter to the University president demanding total divestiture from the CCA and full disclosure of future investments. In June 2015, the supervisory board at Columbia University chose to escape from the private prisons industry.

CoreCivic (formerly CCA) has a capacity of over 80,000 beds in 65 correctional facilities. GEO Group operates 57 facilities with a capacity of 49,000 bed breakers. The Company owns or runs more than 100 properties that operate more than 73,000 beds in various locations around the world.

Most privately-run facilities are located in the southern and western parts of the United States and include state and federal offenders. For example, Pecos, Texas is the world's largest private prison site, the Reeves County Detention Complex, operated by GEO Group. It has a capacity of 3,763 arrestees in its three sub-complexes,

Private prison companies, reacting to a reduction in prison populations, are getting away from mere detention and trying to maintain profitability by expanding into new markets previously served by nonprofit behavioral organizations and treatment-oriented institutions, including prison medical treatment, mental forensic hospitals, center of civil commitment, shelter house, and house arrest.

The 2016 report by the US Justice Department confirms that privately operated privately operated facilities are less secure, less secure and more punitive than other federal prisons. Shortly thereafter, the DoJ announced it would stop using private prisons. However, a month later the Department of Homeland Security renewed a controversial contract with CCA to continue operating the South Texas Family Household Center, an immigrant detention facility in Dilley, Texas.

Stock prices for CCA and GEO Group jumped following Donald Trump's victory in the 2016 election. On February 23, the DOJ under Attorney General Jeff Sessions overturned the ban on using private prisons. According to Session, "the memorandum changes the old policies and practices, and undermines the bureau's ability to meet the future needs of the federal penitentiary system, so I am directing the bureau to return to the previous approach."

Escape of Arizona Murderers

After the release of three murderers from the prison of Kingman Prison, Arizona, operated by Management and Training Corporation (MTC), and his terrible downfall, Arizona Attorney General and governor Terry Goddard said, "I'm sure most of our problems are very hard prisoners , such as three who escaped, eventually gained a reclassification [as a lower risk] quickly and were sent to a personal prison that was incompatible with the work. "Private prisons have inadequate patrols and movement of prisoners, excessive false alarms, weaknesses, and inconsistencies in visitor screening procedures.

An escaping killer, Daniel Renwick, immediately escapes with the holiday vehicle in question, leaving his friends outside the prison. He was involved in a shootout in Rifle, Colorado, about 30 hours after the prison break, and was captured by a Garfield County deputy and a Rifle cop. Although he was still "owed" to Arizona 32 years for his sentence, he was sentenced to sixty years to serve first in Colorado.

In the course of avoiding the pursuers, the two remaining men fled and their plot, Casslyn Welch, kidnapped and hijacked Oklahomans Gary and Linda Haas on holiday in New Mexico. The couple was soon killed by the culprit, John McCluskey. The extended family of the murdered couple sued the state of Arizona, as well as Dominion, a company based in Edmond, Oklahoma, who built the prison, and the company's own $ 40 million MTC. The last fugitives and their conspirators were immediately arrested. Tracy province, a lifer, was arrested in Wyoming on August 9th. The last couple were arrested on August 19, 20 days after the jailbreak, after they returned to Arizona. All three were first convicted of escape, preliminary hijacking, kidnapping and robbery in Kingman, Arizona. Then they are accused of committing the same crime plus murder in New Mexico. John McCluskey, the culprit, and his accomplice, Casslyn Welch, are also suspected of carrying out armed robberies in Arkansas. All three were eventually arrested on federal assassin charges in New Mexico. McCluskey is on trial for alleged execution but after five months of trial, the jury grants him life in prison on December 11, 2013. Estimates of national search costs and subsequent worries, prosecutions and imprisonment in three states greatly exceed one million dollars.

Cost-benefit analysis

The study, partly funded by some industries, often concludes that the state can save money by using a nonprofit prison. However, academic or state-funded research has found that private prisons tend to keep low-cost inmates and send others back to state-run prisons.

Cost

Individually run prison proponents argue that cost savings and operating efficiency put private prisons at an advantage over public prisons and support arguments for privatization, but some research cast doubt on the validity of this argument, as evidence has shown that private prisons are not proven more cost-effective, or more efficient than public prisons. An evaluation of 24 different studies on cost effectiveness reveals that, at best, the outcome of the question can not be inferred and, at worst, there is no difference in cost effectiveness.

A study by the US Bureau of Justice Statistics found that the cost savings promised by private prisons "simply did not materialize". Several studies have concluded that nonprofit prisons are more expensive than public prisons. In addition, cost estimates from privatization advocates can be misleading, as private facilities often refuse to accept the most expensive inmates of house fees. A 2001 study concluded that the pattern of sending cheaper inmates to privately managed facilities increases the cost savings artificially. A 2005 study found that Arizona's public facilities were seven times more likely to accommodate perpetrators of violence and three times more likely to punish those convicted for more serious offenses. A 2011 report by the American Civil Liberties Union shows that private prisons are more expensive, more virulent and less accountable than public prisons, and are actually a major contributor to increased mass detention. This is most evident in Louisiana, which has the world's highest rates of detention and the majority of inmates in nonprofit facilities. Marie Gottschalk, professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania, argues that the prison industry "is involved in many cherry and cost-shifting to maintain the illusion that the private sector does it better for less." In fact, he notes that research generally suggests that private facilities are more dangerous for prisoners and prisoners than their public counterparts as a result of cost-cutting measures, such as less spending on training for prisoners (and paying them lower wages) and providing only the most basic medical care for inmates.

A study of 2014 by doctoral candidates at UC Berkeley shows that minorities make up a greater percentage of inmates in private prisons than in their public counterparts, mainly because minorities are less expensive to go to jail. According to the study, non-profit prison operators, in particular the CCA and GEO Group, accumulate these low-cost inmates "through explicit and implicit exceptions written into contracts between private prison management firms and corrective departments".

Insufficiency including staff training

Evidence suggests that lower staff levels and training in private facilities can lead to an increase in violent and runaway incidents. A national study found that attacks on guards by inmates were 49 percent more common in private prisons than in government-run prisons. The same study revealed that assault against fellow inmates was 65 percent more frequent in private prisons.

Examples of inadequate private prison staff training that led to prison violence were reported by two reporters of Bloomberg News, Margaret Newkirk and William Selway in Mississippi on the now-closed Walnut Grove (WGCF) Prison. According to reporters, the ratio of staff to prisoners in this prison is only 1 to 120. In the bloody riots in this prison, six inmates were rushed to the hospital, including one with permanent brain damage. During the riots, the prison staff did not respond but waited until the rioting ended, as the prisoners outnumbered the staff with a ratio of 60-1. Lack of trained staff not only causes violence but also corruption. According to former WGCF detainees, correcting officers are also responsible for smuggling operations inside the prison. To make more money, some provide prisoners with contraband, including drugs, cell phones and weapons. Law enforcement investigations lead to a much wider network of corruption exposures.

Bureaucracy corruption scandal

In Walnut Grove C.F., intense corruption is involved in construction and operation, and subcontracting for medical services, commissioners and others. After exposure to the rape of a female transitional center detainee by the mayor, who also served as warden, the bribery scheme was found. It has paid millions to Corrupt Corrupt Mississippi Corruption Department, Chris Epps, and its channels. Ten additional officials and consultants, including three former state legislators (two Republicans and a Democrat), were indicted in the Justice Department of Mississippi Handling Hustle.

Prior to the investigation and prosecution of Mississippi, a similar investigation began in 2003, dubbed Polar Pen Operations , exposing a vast bribery scheme of what legislators themselves call the "Corrupt Bastards Club" (CBC). It initially involves nonprofit correction, then expanded to include fisheries management and taxation of the oil industry. At least fifteen targets of inquiry, including ten seated people or former elected officials, the chief of staff of the governor, and four lobbyists were considered for possible prosecution, and a dozen were indicted. Investigations against a Democratic senator found nothing wrong, but ten indictments were issued that included six Republican lawmakers, two half-house lobbyists, two very wealthy contractors and US Senator Ted Stevens. Seven convictions of crimes against Stevens were dropped, such as a ruling involving three other members of the legislature and the Chief of Staff of the Governor, who directly due to the Supreme Court overturned the "Honesty Service Decision - 18 USC Ã, 1346" section in this case. Representative Bruce Weyhrauch. Weyhrauch pleaded guilty to state offenses. The others also have their rulings overturned, in part because prosecutors fail to actually reveal evidence of deliverance for their defense, but three of them also plead guilty to lower charges. Despite their involvement, the Justice Department also refused to prosecute a former state senator and US Congressman Don Young, who spent more than a million dollars on his defense, though he was never charged.

Judicial corruption scandal

In children for the cash scandal, Mid-Atlantic Youth Services Corp., a private jail company running youth facilities, was found guilty of paying two judges Mark Ciavarella and Michael Conahan, $ 2.8 million to send 2,000 children to jail for crimes like that. entering unlicensed in empty buildings and stealing DVDs from Wal-Mart.

Lobby

The influence of the nonprofit prison industry against the government has been described as a prison industry complex.

CoreCivic (formerly CCA), MTC and GEO Group have become members of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), Washington-based public policy organization, D.C. who developed a model of legislation that advances the principles of free markets such as privatization. Under their Criminal Justice Task Force, ALEC has developed a model bill which is then followed by state legislators when proposing "violent crime" initiatives including the law of "Truth in Punishment" and "Three Strikes". With funding and participation in the ALEC Criminal Justice Task Force, critics argue, private prisons corporations influence the law for tougher and longer sentences. Writing in the Government magazine in 2003, Alan Greenblatt stated:

ALEC has become a major force behind both the privatized state prison chamber and keeping the jail full. It put forward a draft law that regulates minimum mandatory penalties and three penalty requirements. Around 40 countries issued a version of the Truth law draft in the Court of ALEC, which requires detainees convicted of violent crimes to live out most of their sentences without the possibility of parole.

According to Cooper, Heldman, Ackerman, and Farrar-Meyers (2016), ALEC has been known to encourage the expansion of the private prisons industry by promoting greater use of prisons, goods and personal services; promote the use of a larger prison labor; and increasing the number of prison populations. ALEC has helped not only expand the definition of existing crime, but also in creating new crimes. ALEC is known to develop policies that could threaten civil liberties by increasing the likelihood of detention and lengthy punishment (Cooper et al., 2016).

According to the 2010 report by NPR , ALEC organized a meeting between Corrections Corporation of America and Arizona state legislators such as Russell Pearce at the Grand Hyatt in Washington, DC to write Arizona SB 1070, which will keep the CCA immigration detention center filled with detainees.

CCA and GEO have engaged in state initiatives to increase penalties for offenders and create new crimes, including, the CCA helped finance Proposition 6 in California in 2008 and GEO lobbied for Jessica Law in Kansas in 2006. In 2012, the CCA sent a letter to 48 countries are offering to buy a public prison in return for a pledge to keep the prison in 90% occupancy for 20 years. States that enter into contracts with prison companies must replace them for unused beds; in 2011, Arizona agreed to pay Management & amp; Training Company $ 3 million for empty beds when 97 percent quota is not met.

Opposition

Many organizations are calling for a moratorium on private prison development, or for their immediate removal. The Presbyterian Church (US) and the United Methodist Church have also joined the call, as well as the Catholic Bishops of the Southern Organization.

In 2013, there has been a modest boost to the private prison industry, with protests forcing the GEO Group to withdraw the $ 6 million bid for naming rights of FAU Stadium, and Kentucky allowing its contract with the CCA to expire, ending three decades allowing nonprofit companies to operate prisons in the country. By 2014, Idaho will take over the operation of the CCA's Idaho Correctional Center, which has been the subject of a large number of lawsuits accusing rampant violence, shortages, gang activities and contract fraud. Idaho Governor Butch Otter said, "In recognition of what happened, what happened, it was necessary.This is the right thing to do, which is disappointing because I am a champion of privatization."

In the last quarter of 2013, Scopia Capital Management, DSM North America and Amica Mutual Insurance released about $ 60 million from the CCA and GEO Group. In a Color of Change press release, DSM North American President Hugh Welsh said:

In accordance with the United Nations Global Compact principles, in respect of internationally proclaimed human rights protection, pension funds have been divested from the prison nonprofit industry. Investing in private prisons and support for industries is financially unhealthy, and divesting is the right thing to do for our clients, shareholders, and the country as a whole.

Attempts to limit privatization and reduce supervision

Several US states have imposed a ban, population limit, and strict operational guidance on personal prisons:

  • Prohibition of privatization of state and local facilities - Illinois in 1990 (Private Facility Moratorium Act), and New York in 2000, passed a law prohibiting privatization of prisons , prisons and any services related to their operations. Louisiana enacted a private prison moratorium in 2001.
  • Prohibit speculative private prison construction - Nonprofit prison companies have built new prisons before they are granted privatization contracts to entice state contract approval. In 2001, the Wisconsin joint budget committee recommended language to ban all future speculative prison construction in the state. The anticipatory building began at least in 1997, when the Corrections Corporation of America built a 2,000-bed facility in California at a cost of $ 80-100 million without a contract from the California Repair Department; a CCA official said, "If we build it, they will come".
  • Prohibiting exports and imports of prisoners - To ensure that the state is in control of the quality and security of prison facilities, North Dakota passed a law in 2001 banning exports of Class A and AA criminals out of state. Similarly, Oregon allowed existing export laws until sunset in 2001, effectively banning the export of prisoners. Some countries have considered banning the import of prisoners to private facilities.
  • Requires standards comparable to state prisons - New Mexico's enacted law that diverts private prison surveillance to the Secretary of State Corrections ensures that private prisons meet the same standards as public facilities. In 2001, the Nebraska law that required private prisons to meet public prison standards was strongly approved by the legislature, but was bagged by the governor by the police. Oklahoma passed a law in 2005 requiring private prisons to have contingency plans and to mandate state notices of any safety incidents.

The Federal Prisons Bureau announced its intention to terminate a nonprofit prison contract.

  • Stopping a federal contract. On August 18, 2016, US Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates announced that the Justice Department intends to terminate the Prison Bureau's contract with nonprofit prison operators, as it concluded "... the facilities are less secure and less effective in providing correctional services..." than the Federal Prison Bureau. In response, Issa Arnita, spokeswoman for Operator Operator and Training of the third largest nonprofit US carrier, said "disappointed" to learn about the DOJ decision. "If the DOJ decision to end the use of prison contracts is based solely on declining prison population, there may be some justification, but to base this decision on cost, safety and security, and wrong programming." In a memorandum, Yates went on, looking for profits "... prisons played a key role during a difficult period, but time has shown that they compare poorly with our own Bureau facilities, they just do not provide the same level of correctional services, programs and resources they do not save costs substantially, and as noted in a recent report by the Office of the Inspector General of the Department, they do not maintain the same level of safety and security The rehabilitation services provided by the Bureau, such as educational and vocational training programs, have proved difficult to replicate and outsourced and this service is critical to reducing recidivism and improving public safety. "At the time, the Justice Department had accommodated 193,000 inmates, about 22,000 of whom were in 14 private prisons. Criminal justice reform has led to a prison population down about 25,000 inmates over the past few years. Separately the Department of Homeland Security intends to continue to hold suspected foreigners aliens in private prisons.

Media coverage in the United States

Documentary

  • The children for the cash scandal are featured in Capitalism: A Love Story , a 2009 documentary by Michael Moore.
  • A long documentary covering children for the cash scandal titled Kids for Cash was released in February 2014.
  • the 13th is a 2016 Oscar-nominated documentary that examines the role of private prison contracts in black and Latin mass arrests, especially in the United States. His name refers to the Thirteenth Amendment which abolishes slavery, but allows for forced servitude as a punishment for crime.

Drama

  • The Kids for Cash scandal has also caused some depictions in fiction. Both Legal & amp; Order: SVU "Crush" episodes and episodes of The Good Wife show corrupt judges who send children to private detention centers. Episode Cold Case titled "Jurisprudence" is loosely based on this event.
  • Season 3 Orange Is a New Black describes the transformation of a federal prison into a nonprofit.

Razor wire and barbed wire on a private prison fence Stock Photo ...
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Canada

There are only two private detention facilities in Canada to date, and both are returned to government control.

The only private prison in Canada is the prolonged Korem Penitentiary, Penetanguishene, Ontario, operated by US-based Management and Training Company since its opening in 2001 until the end of its first contract period in 2006. The contracts are held by the Ministry of Security and Correctional Provincial Ontario. The government comparison between the North North "prison" and nearly identical facilities found that public-run prisons have far better results.

In addition, GEO Group built the New Brunswick Miramichi Youth Detention Center under contract with the Provincial Public Security Department, then his contract expired in the 1990s after public protests.

In mid-2012, private prison companies continue to lobby the Canadian Penitentiary for contract business.

Locked Up and Shipped Away: Interstate Prisoner Transfers & the ...
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New Zealand


The Democratic Presidential Candidates Would End Private Prison ...
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Israel

Initial Experiment

In 2004, the Israeli Knesset passed a law allowing the creation of a private prison in Israel. The Israeli government's motivation is to save money by transferring prisoners to facilities run by private companies. The state will pay a $ 50 per day franchisee for each inmate, freeing himself the cost to build a new prison and expand the Israeli Prison Service staff. In 2005, the Human Rights Department of the Law Academy at Ramat Gan petitioned the Israeli Supreme Court against the law. Petitions rely on two arguments. First, it said, transferring prison power into private hands would violate the human rights of prisoners against freedom and dignity. Second, private organizations always aim to maximize profits, and therefore seek to cut costs by, for example, reducing prison facilities and paying their guards poorly, thereby further undermining the rights of detainees. When the case is pending, the first prison was built by the concessionaire, Lev Leviev's Africa Israel Investments, a facility near Beersheba designed to house 2,000 inmates.

Rejected by Israeli Supreme Court

Source of the article : Wikipedia