In linguistics or usage, hypercorrection is a non-standard usage resulting from the overreaction of perceived grammar rules or usage recipes. A speaker or author who generates hypercorrection generally believes that its form is correct through misunderstanding of these rules, often combined with a desire to appear formal or educated.
Hiperkoreksi linguistics occurs when real or imaginative grammar rules are applied in an inappropriate context, so attempts to "right" lead to incorrect results. That does not happen when a speaker follows "natural speech instinct", according to Otto Jespersen and Robert J. Menner.
Hypercorrection is sometimes found among the less prestigious language speakers of varieties that produce shapes associated with high prestige varieties, even in situations where the speakers of the varieties are not. Some commentators call such production hyperurbanism .
Video Hypercorrection
Grammatical
Studies in sociolinguistics and applied linguistics have noted the excessive application of phonological, syntactic, or morphological rules, resulting from multiple rules in the same language or second language learning. A common example of hypercorrection based on the adoption of a second language rule is the use of the octopy for the octopus plural in English; it is based on the false assumption that the octopus is the second word of decline from Latin origin when in fact it is a third slump and comes from Greek.
Sociolinguists often record hypercorrection in terms of pronunciation (phonology). For example, William Labov notes that all the English speakers he learned in New York City in 1960 tend to pronounce words like hard as riktik (say "R" as rather than ) more often when speaking with caution. In addition, middle-class speakers have more rhetorical pronunciation than the working-class speakers. However, the lower-middle-class speakers have more rhotic pronunciation than the upper middle-class speakers. Labov suggests that these lower-middle-class speakers try to imitate the pronunciation of upper-middle-class speakers, but actually produce a very real R sound.
A common source of hypercoreksi in morphology and English syntax is the use of pronouns; see the Personal pronouns section, below.
Hypercorections can also occur when second or foreign language learners try to avoid applying grammatical rules from their native language to a new language (a situation known as language transfer). The effect can occur, for example, when a student of a new language has learned that certain sounds of the original language must be replaced by another in the language studied, but have not learned when not to replace it.
Maps Hypercorrection
Example
Hypercorections are not specific to English. This can happen wherever language or language variations are interconnected.
English
English does not have an authoritarian body that regulates the use of the "right", unlike some other languages, such as Arabic (????????????), French (AcadÃÆ' © nie franÃÆ' §aise and Office quà ©  © bÃÆ' © cois de la langue franÃÆ'§aise), Italy (Accademia della Crusca), Icelandic (ÃÆ' slensk mÃÆ'¡lstÃÆ'¶ÃÆ'  °), and Spanish (Real Academia Espaà ± a ola). However, in English user groups, certain uses are considered too complex to comply with the "formal" rules.
Such speech or writing is sometimes called hyperurbanism, defined by Kingsley Amis as "a spoiled desire to be posher rather than fancy".
Personal pronouns
Jack Lynch, an assistant professor of English at Rutgers University, says that the correction "me and you" into "you and me" as subjects makes people "internalize the rule that 'you and I' are somehow more precise, and they end up using them in places. places where they should not be - like 'he gave it to you and me' when it should 'he gave it to you and me.' "
On the other hand, linguists Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum state that utterances such as "They invite Sandy and me" "are heard constantly in the conversations of those who are the standard English speakers" and that "those who condemn it only assume that the pronoun case in coordination must be the same as when it stands alone.The actual usage contradicts this assumption. "
H-added
Several British accents, such as Cockney, dropped the initial "h" of words; for example has to ' ave . The associated hypercorection is H-added, adding "h" to a word that usually does not have a "h" start. This example can be found in the Parker character speech in Thunderbirds , e.g. "We will 'ave the h'aristocrats' soon" (from the episode "Vault of Death"). Parker's speech was based on a real person who was told by a creator at a restaurant in Cookham.
Hyperforeignism
Hyperforeignism arises from a speaker who misidentifies the distribution of patterns found in the loan word and extends it to another environment. The results of this process do not reflect the rules of any of the languages. For example, habanero is sometimes pronounced as if spelled? HabaÃÆ' Â ± ero ?, mimic other Spanish words like jalapeÃÆ' Â ± o and piÃÆ' Â ± ata . English as a second language
Some English-Spanish originals differ from beginning with "s" vs "es", as the English word "spectacular" and the Spanish word "espectacular". A native Spanish speaker may actually correct the word "build" by writing or saying "build", the ancient, or the informal pronunciation in several dialects.
Chinese
In Cantonese, some speakers eliminate the initial word [?] . For example, the character? (Jyutping: ngaa4 , meaning "tooth"), finally pronounced "aa4". Prescriptivists tend to regard this change as substandard and criticize them for "lazy sound" (Chinese: ?? ; Jyutping: laan5 hour1 ). However, in the case of hypercorrection, some speakers have begun to pronounce words that should have zero initial by using [?] , although according to Chinese historical phonology , only words with light tone (corresponding to tones 4, 5, and 6 in Jyutping) have voiced initials (which include [ ?] ). Because of this hypercorrection, words like? (Jyutping: oi3 , meaning "love"), which has a dark tone , spoken by the speaker with a [?] start, "ngoi3".
Idiomatically, some words like? (/k? u?/ 'communication') has evolved to sound /k ?? u?/ to avoid embarrassment, because? /k? u?/ is a vulgar word in Cantonese, but some speakers insist on saying /k? U?/ and may cause mockery.
Speakers of several Mandarin dialects, especially in southern China and Taiwan, pronounce the initials retroflect [t?] , [t ??] and [?] as alveolar initials [ts] , [ts?] , and [s] . Such speakers may experience hypercorrect by saying words that must begin with [ts] , [ts?] and [s] as if they started with their retroflex counterpart.
In Taiwan, under the influence of Taiwan (Min Nan), many people pronounce [f] as [xw] , and often hypercorrect by pronouncing initial [xw] as [f] . This is also seen in the Hakka population, where many words begin in [x] in Mandarin and Taiwan beginning in [f] in Hakka. (Example:?,?)
Erhua hypercorrection can occur among non-native Chinese rheumatic speakers.
Bulgarian
In standard Bulgarian and in eastern dialect, the old letter yat is pronounced as? ("yes") when emphasized and the following syllables contain no vowels? ("i") or? ("e"), and pronounced as? in all other cases. But in western dialect it is always pronounced as ?. Trying to speak with a standard Bulgarian dialect, some speakers from Western Bulgaria mispronounced many words containing yat letters - ?????? ("golyami"), ??????? ("zhelyazni"), ???? ("byali"), ?????? ("vidyali"), ?????? ("spryani"), ?????? ("zhivyali") instead of ?????? ("golemi"), ??????? ("zhelezni"), ???? ("buy"), ?????? ("videli"), ?????? ("spreni"), ?????? ("zhiveli"). This trend is very common with past participants like ??????.
Russian
Palatalization
Russian speakers sometimes moisturize consonants in loan words that have never been broken (such as [m? 'D? Ern] than [m? 'D? Rn] for ??????) under the influence of spelling. The Russian language has five vowels called hard (?,?,?,?,?), Which follow a violent or unintentional consonant, each with a corresponding soft vowel (?,?,?,?,? ), which follows soft or palatized consonants. However, the loud vocals? has an orthographic boundary that allows it to be written only at the beginning of a word or after a vowel (as in Cyrillic Aeroflot spelling). So in many loan words, soft e vowels are written but read as if it were?
Serbo-Croatian
The syllables je and emirate appear in the western standard of Serbo-Croatian (pronounced in Croatian, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and the southwestern part of Serbia) where the eastern standard (Pronounced in part large Serbian) has only variations in the quantity (vowel length) of e . Not all eastern standards e become je or ije as in the west. Eastern standard speakers can make their dialect hypercorrect either by undersupplying or oversupplying the je and ije s.
Accusative vs. locative
Because locative cases are rarely used in everyday use in southern and eastern dialects of Serbia, and accusatives are used instead, speakers tend to overcorrect when using language in more formal occasions, thus using locative even when accusative should be used (usually, when pointing in direction rather than location): "Izlazim na kolovozu" instead of "izlazim na kolovoz".
German
Dialect versus Standard German
In Germany, accents pronounced in the cities of DÃÆ'¼sseldorf, Cologne and surrounding areas greatly emphasize the front sound of 'ch' (aka "ich sound", [ÃÆ'? §] ) where the standard German call for 'sch' sound [?] . Speakers with this accent will sometimes say 'Fich' [f? ÃÆ'§] instead of 'Fisch' [f ??] (fish), and 'Tich' [t? ÃÆ'§] instead of 'Tisch' [t ??] (table). This is due to the hypercorrection of the common Rhineland dialect in the German area, an accent that often has a 'sch' [?] sound in which Standard German has' ch ' [ÃÆ'§] (as in "isch" [???] versus "ich" [?]. Seeking to avoid this perceived error, the Ripuarian accent speakers distort it to the abundance of 'ch' [ÃÆ'§] .
Genitive versus dative
Another example is the use of genitive cases where dative cases are required. In ordinary language, genitive is often derived for dative sake even if the correct grammatical usage demands genitive. Because critics of language ridicule such substitutions, some German speakers use genitals even with dummy demanding prepositions (eg, Norwegian
Since/w/sound is not in Norway, Norwegians who speak English often produce [v] for/w/. Sometimes such speakers get the wrong correction by saying [w] to/v/and/w/, saying a word like "disturbed" as [w? Kst] .
Dutch versus West Flemish
The Western Dialects Flemish does not use Dutch "ch" /x/ (Dutch North pronunciation) or /ÃÆ'§/ (South Dutch pronunciation). Instead they say 'g' and 'ch' as ​​'h' soft, while the Dutch Standard way to pronounce them in/ÃÆ'§/and/?/In South Holland or both/x/in North Holland. For example, West-Fleming will pronounce the phrase 'een gouden hart' (golden heart) as 'een H ouden hart'. Some older people, who grew up talking nothing but their dialect, did not realize that there was a difference between 'g', 'ch' and 'h' altogether and tried to imitate 'the Dutch; they often overcompensate and say every word they usually say with 'h'-sound as' g'. These include words that are actually pronounced 'h'. In the example above, they will overdo it and say 'een gouden hart' as 'een gouden G art'.
Popular jokes illustrate this phenomenon. This relates to a pastor of the Western Flemish church, who wishes to impress his flock by celebrating the 'civilized' civilized Mass. The 'civilized' Dutch language consists of the pronunciation of 'ch' and 'g' as the Dutch North /ÃÆ'§/ (instead of 'h' Like Flemish dialect West does not). But to be absolutely sure, he also pronounces 'h' as ​​/ÃÆ'§/ even though he should continue to pronounce it as 'h'. The result is as follows; instead of praying for "De h ele kerk" (the whole church) he finally prayed for "de g ele kerk" (yellow church) and "de h eilige maagd "(holy maiden) becomes" de g eilige maagd "(horned virgin). Finally, he ends his sermon by asking what must be "de goede h ulp van de H eer". Instead, he asks "de goede g ulp van de g eer" (a good zip from the knot).
Latin
In the Middle Ages, the Latin spelling was simplified in many ways: for example, ÃÆ'Â| and oe to e , and ch > to be c . Sometimes these changes are reversed, and e and c are sometimes extended to ÃÆ'Â| (or oe ) and < i> ch , even when the spelling contradicts Latin Latin. For example, caelum is contracted for celum and expanded back to coelum . The spelling is often preserved in English derivatives, including et cÃÆ'Â|tera and et coetera (sometimes found as a variant for et cetera ); English English and international fetus (originally fetus , as it is currently spelled in American English).
Hebrew and Yiddish
Ghil'ad Zuckermann argues that the following hyperextile pronunciation in Hebrew Hebrew is snobbatives (from arrogant -ative , modeled on comparisons and superlatives):
- hypercorrect pronunciation khupÃm instead of khofÃÆ'm for ????? "beach".
- hypercorrect pronunciation tsorfÃÆ'¡t instead of tsarfÃÆ'¡t for ???? "France".
- hypercorrect pronunciation amÃÆ'¡n instead of omÃÆ'¡n for ??? "artist".
The last two hypercorrection examples stem from the confusion associated with the Qamatz Gadol Hebrew vowel, which in the received Sephardic pronunciation is rendered as /a:/ but spoken < span title = "Representation in International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA)">/?/ in Hebrew Ashkenazi (and in Hebrew in Yiddish). On the other hand, Qamatz Qa? A vowel, which is visually indistinguishable from Qamatz Gadol, is given as /o/ in both pronunciations. This causes hypercorrections in both directions.
- The consistent pronunciation of all forms of qamatz as /a/, ignore form of qatan and hataf , can be seen as hypercorrection when Hebrew speakers of Ashkenazic origin attempt to pronounce the Hebrew Sephardic (eg ?????????, "midday" as "< i> tzaharayim ", instead of" tzohorayim "as in the standard Israeli pronunciation, the traditional Sephardi pronunciation is" tzahorayim "). This may, however, be an example of over-simplification rather than hypercorrection.
- By contrast, many older English Jews consider him more a colloquial and "home" to say "Shobbes", "cholla" and "motza", though the vowels in these words are actually a patach , translated as /a/ in Hebrew Sephardi and Ashkenazi.
Other hypercorrections occur when the Hebrew speakers of Israel (based on French) try to pronounce the Hebrew Ashkenazi, for example for religious purposes. Moon Shevat (???) is mistakenly pronounced "Shiva", as if spelled * ??????. In an attempt to imitate the Polish and Lithuanian dialects, qamatz (both gadol and qatan ), which would normally be pronounced [?] , hypercorrected to the pronunciation holam , [? j] , rendering ???? ("big") as goydl and ???? ("Blessed") as boyrukh .
Spanish
In some Spanish dialects, end of intervocalic /d/ (
The same applies to speakers with seseo, who pronounces the letters "z" and soft "c" as [s] , which finds itself in part of Spanish which pronounces it as [?] (distinciÃÆ'³n), sometimes hypercorrect all instances of "s" as [?] (ceceo).
In some Spanish dialects, especially in the Caribbean, /s/ smoothed at the end of syllable to [h] , or sometimes completely ignored, so pescado is [peh'kaÃÆ' Â ° o] or [pe'kaÃÆ' Â ° o] . As a result, speakers from this area can add [s] sound to words that do not contain the letter s.
Hungarian
In Hungarian, the -ban/ben endings indicate locations, such as "hÃÆ'¡zban" (at home), while -ba/indicates directions, such as "hÃÆ'¡zba" (on) home. Speakers of several regional dialects or rural speakers often use the latter, shorter forms for both cases: "a hÃÆ'¡zba vagyok" (incorrect: I am in (home)). This is often regarded as a low quality or uneducated speech. To avoid this perception, some people make the opposite mistake, using the first form everywhere, as in the wrong sentence "a hÃÆ'¡zban megyek" (I go home). This effect can be observed most often in public speeches of politicians, religious leaders, etc.
A similar error affects the old intransitive verb, which in old Hungary has a different conjugate system (called "ikes" conjugation, referring to the "-ik" ending in a single third person). Among other things, this system requires the use of the "-m" suffix instead of "-k" in the first person (eg "eszem" rather than "eszek", because "I eat"). This conjugation is now only preserved in parts, most of which quickly fade from usage. However, due to prescriptive pressure, some Hungarian speakers misuse the -m in all verbs ending in "-ik" instead of just transitive old words (eg "Kapaszkodom" rather than "cotzkodok", since "I survive "). The "-ik" suffix is ​​also sometimes incorrectly applied to a verb that does not usually end in it, causing the verb robban "to explode" to turn into robbanik .
Finnish
Since the consonants of "b", "d" and "g" are very rare in the original Finnish words, some Finns tend to emphasize them in foreign words, more than they should be needed. For example, Finland might say * bedagogiikka instead of pedagogical ("pedagogy"), * brobleema rather than probleema "), or * Poland
One example of hypercorrection in Polish is the "adoption" of coleslaw (itself derived from the Dutch term) by adding an accent that seems to simulate the name of Polish Boles? Aw. This can be explained only by a few English sounds in a foreign name entering Polish lingual mass consciousness: for example, cola is almost never spoken with the sound [ts], just as the Polish rules dictate the letter "c" to be spoken.
Other common examples of hypercorrection in Polish include a terminal nasal pronunciation ? , as in r? K? (true [-?] And hypercorrectly [- ??]) or hypercorrect voiced consonant pronunciations than the noiseless ( jab? Ko pronounced as [? Ab? Wko] than [? Apwko ] or [? apko]).
See also
- Between you and me
- Controversy of English usage
- The eye dialect Hypocorrection
- List of English words with disputed use
- Mondegreen
- Regularization (linguistics)
- Shibboleth
Note
References
- Labov, William. 1966. "Hypercorrection by Lower Secondary Class as a Factor in Linguistic Changes". In Sociolinguistics: Proceedings of the UCLA Sociolinguistic Conference, 1964 . William Bright, ed. Pp.Ã, 84-113. The Hague: Mouton.
- Joshua Blau, On Pseudo-Correction in Some Semitic Languages ​​. Jerusalem: Israeli Academy of Sciences and Humanities 1970.
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